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Intervista a Dragan Pavlovic

Ecco a voi, in inglese, 10 domande ad un esperto della situazione politica, attuale e passata, nell'Ex-Jugoslavia,

1) Can you tell us something about yourself?

I am a medical doctor directing a research unit at a small German
University
. For 8 years I was Editor in chief of Dialogue, a modest
international quarterly for arts and sciences in Paris.
I am of Yugoslav
(Serb)
origin, have 25 years of professional life in the Western Europe, and
am French by naturalisation.

2) By handing over Milosevic to the International Court of Justice, did the
new Yugoslavia definitely choose the alliance with the West?

Yugoslavia (Serbia) has been allied to the West for almost 150 years, but
the West was never quite ready to fully accept this. Some kind of
“non-returned love” I think.
Yugoslavia was brutally pushed into the Eastern
block in 1945, to break away already in 1948, but has never been accepted
back by the West since, and searched for “friends” in distant non-aligned
solidarities
.
In the early 90s Yugoslavia was stigmatised by the West as an
enemy, and militarily attacked in 1999. The trial in The Hague will push it
away again and deepen the gap.

3) Do you think the contrast about Milosevic trial between the federal
President Kostunica
and the Serb Premier Djindjic is real or simply
fictitious, to spare Kostunica such an unpopular decision?

Conflict is very serious indeed. Two Serbian politicians united their forces
just to overturn Mr. Milosevic, and for that it was the political strength
of Mr. Kostunica that counted.
What we have now is just a continuation of two different concepts. Mr Djindjic is a former extreme leftist who took
quite a radical turn, and Mr Kostunica is more conservative, with some
social ideas
.

4) Which reasons made the new Yugoslav leaders take this decision?

This was a kind of putsch organised by Serbian Prime Minister Djindjic and
his group, backed by NATO.
The mechanisms similar to those used to destroy
former Yugoslavia were at work: bribery with the possibility of an easy
acquisition of power
. Effective absence of judicial power, violation of not only the Yugoslav Constitution but also violation of a great many other laws in the preceding period are part of the record of the Serbian Prime
Minister.

This is the first time in the Serbia’s long history that its laws and judicial institutions are practically suspended.

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